Dragi hrvatski narode, da nešto razjasnimo oko Europske unije. Niko nije rekao da će nam odmah po ulasku biti super u njoj, bit će problema, to je sasvim razumljivo. Kratkoročno gledano mogla bi se desiti velika kriza, ali ni to nije potpuno sigurno. Ukoliko upremo vlastite snage uz pomoć Unije mogli bi izbjeći te probleme. Sad ka kandidati imamo pravo na predpristupne fondove Unije iz kojih ćemo pak financirat reformu javne uprave, bolje usluge u bolnicama, bolje školovanje u školama i studiranje na fakultetima,... Ali dugoročno gledano očekuju nas mnoge dobre stvari, koje mi ne možemo izmisliti niti provesti sami. Očekuje nas modernizacija javne uprave, lakši pristup informacijama i podacima, veće mogućnosti za bolje i kvalitetnije školovanje, očekuju nas neopisive mogućnosti zapošljavanja ( ali i da tu nešto raščistimo, potplaćen će biti samo radnik koji nema škole ili nije dovoljno kvalificiran za neki bolje plaćen posa. Nema tu mista pričama o nekim izrabljivanjima radnika. Ostali školovani, iskusni kadrovi će bit itekako dobro plaćeni, npr. plaća višeg službenika u institucijama EU iznosi oko 2000 € i zato uči ludi narode !!! ), očekuju nas mogućnost nemetanog putovanja i prolaska kroz mnoge europske zemlje do konačne destinacije, liberalizacija tržišta, početak pravne države i vladavine prava, i mnogo, mnogo toga. Ali mi se sada ne da pisat puno i dugačko, koga zanima više ili nešto specifično neka mi se obrati. ili ajte na desne linkove, pa mantajte.
~ Welcome ~
28.07.2004., srijeda
Europeans spend their time sleeping
The latest survey from the EU's statistics office may confirm some stereotypical views of how Europeans spend their time.
The report - which analyses "time use" in nine EU countries (Belgium, Germany, Estonia, France, Hungary, Slovenia, Sweden, United Kingdom, Finland) and Norway - shows that men work longer than women and women spend more time on domestic chores than men.
In all ten countries surveyed, men spent more time on "gainful work and study" than women.
French men work the longest with 5.44 hours per day on average. The hardest female workers come from Hungary (4.43 hours per day).
Norwegians of both sexes work the least (men work on average 4.56 hours per day and women 3.46 hours). The survey includes weekends, which is why the average is considerably less than the usual working day.
Sleep is by some distance the "activity" upon which Europeans spend most of their time, with, on average around eight hours per day spent in bed.
Doing the dishes
Women spend more of their time on "domestic chores" than men, ranging from 50 percent more in Sweden to 90 percent in France.
In nearly every country, women spent more time in "food preparation" and "dish washing" than men. However, British men can hold their heads up high, as they are the only men to spend as much time at the sink as women.
Again, conforming to the stereotype, men spend much more time "gardening" and on "construction and repairs".
Sitting in front of the box
When Europeans aren't working, sleeping or washing-up, it seems they are watching TV.
Europeans spend between one third and one half of their free time sitting in front of the box.
The biggest telly addicts are Hungarian women, who spend 56 percent of their free time watching television, almost twice as much as their Norweigian counterparts.
Norweigians prefer to spend their time socialising, it appears. Both men and women from Norway top the list for socialising.
The most intellectual people appear to be Finnish women, who spend 15 percent of their time reading.
Finland to announce referendum 'in the coming weeks'
Finland's Prime Minister Martti Vanhanen has said that he will give his opinion on whether his country should hold an advisory referendum on the Constitution in the coming few weeks, according to Finnish media reports.
An advisory referendum is not binding upon the government.
Speaking over the weekend, Mr Vanhanen said that the Constitution should be judged on how it alters the power structures in Europe, according to YLE news.
If Finland does opt to hold a referendum on the Constitution, it will join Denmark, France, Ireland, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Belgium, the Czech Republic and the UK who also intend to hold polls.
German referendum on EU may be legally possible
There is increasing talk in Germany about the legal possibility of a referendum on the EU constitution- an idea which is supported by most Germans, according to polls.
According to German media, legal experts say a referendum on the EU constitution is technically possible under German law.
This goes against statements by German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder that the German Basic Law (Constitution) would not allow for any referendum.
So far, the German government has categorically rejected any calls to organise a poll on the new EU constitutional treaty, which was agreed by EU leaders in June.
For historical reasons, the German constitution, adopted in 1949, does not allow for referendums in principle - as these were regarded by the authors of the text as contributing to the rise to power of the Nazis in the 1930s.
But academics now say that a specific amendment to the German Constitution, allowing only for referendums on EU-related questions, could be relatively easily adopted within a few weeks.
Another possibility would be to organise a non-binding poll on the EU Constitution for which no constitutional changes would be necessary, according to one political scientist quoted by Die Welt.
Increasing support for poll
The upbeat analyses by experts come as political support for a referendum in Germany appears to be on the increase.
Bavarian leader Edmund Stoiber called for citizens to have a say on the new treaty earlier this month and was joined this week by former German President Roman Herzog and the leader of the region of Saarland, Peter Müller, both Christian Democrats.
Mr Herzog said that Germany would remain "nearly alone" in the EU if it did not allow its citizens to speak out on the new EU treaty.
Several EU states have announced they will organise referendums - among them France, Spain and the United Kingdom.
In a poll published by Der Spiegel this week, it emerged that 70% of the German population would like to have a say on the new EU treaty as well.
Polls earlier this month had shown similar percentages of Germans favouring a referendum.
Outgoing European Commission President Romano Prodi has called for primary elections in Italy, in the US style, to choose the person who will head Italy’s centre-left Ulivo coalition ahead of the next elections.
Although Mr Prodi ends his term as Commission head in October, he has for months been preparing his entry into the Italian domestic political scene, and has said he will launch his campaign immediately after his term in Brussels ends.
Throwing down the gauntlet to arch rival Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, Mr Prodi said:
"I am back to win and I will start touring Italy in November, in each and every city, in order to re-launch the Ulivo project and to boost the centre-left", he said last week in a long letter to the Espresso weekly.
Mr Prodi has said the centre-left is ready "to take on general elections at any time if and when the government were to fall through as a result of an internal crisis".
In the last few months, the centre-right governing coalition has faced several crises, with Mr Berlusconi strling to keep his fractured four-party coalition together.
The European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Addiction report also highlights concern about drinking and drug use by young people.
Drug deaths among under-20s in the EU totalled 3,103 in 1990-2000, more than doubling from 161 in 1990 to 349 at the end of the decade.
Ecstasy use among the young has risen in Denmark, Portugal and Finland (as well as Norway), while almost all member states report fears of increased use of cocaine.
The report says there is also widespread concern about alcohol, which it warns is increasingly being abused with drugs.
Surveys of 15 to 16-year-olds show that between 36% (Portugal) and 89% (Denmark) have been drunk at least once.
Teenage boys tend to use drugs and alcohol more than girls, but the gap is narrowing.
One problem often overlooked but with a big impact on public health is young people’s use of solvents or inhalants, the report adds.
After alcohol and cannabis, these are the substances more commonly used by 15 to 16-year-olds in the EU with the highest use in Ireland (22%), UK (15%), Greece (14%) and France (11%). It is lowest in Portugal (3%).
There is also evidence of “considerable” problems with solvent abuse in accession states.
“Some 1,700 deaths related to such substances were recorded among young people in the UK alone between 1983 and 2000. This sests that, despite the high profile given to deaths associated with ecstasy and other controlled drugs, solvent use might be a greater acute health risk for young people,” the report concludes.
Agency chief Georges Estievenart says the findings highlight the need for the EU to work harder to meet the target of its drugs action plan.
Valéry Giscard d’Estaing has never been one to pass up the main chance: after all, he’s been a minister, French president, leader of a political group in European Parliament and, latterly the chairman of the Convention and thus ‘father of the EU constitution’.
But it’s still not enough: at the latest gathering of the European People’s Party (EPP) in Budapest, at which he delivered a widely acclaimed speech, he told one of the party’s leaders: “You have to think of a function for me in the EPP”!
Giscard is insatiable. Even being an ‘immortal’ is not enough. He entered the famous Académie Française, last year, after he made it plain to the other immortal members: “I am a candidate, but only under the condition that I am elected unanimously…”
The European Commission on Tuesday (20 July) released an assessment of the first five years of the euro, praising the currency as a success but identifying several challenges ahead.
The euro - which is shared by 12 countries in the EU - was introduced in January 1999 and began to be used as notes and coins in January 2002 replacing old currencies such as the Franc, Deutschmark and Lira.
Its introduction split opinion amongst economists.
Some believed that it would cause economic paralysis in the euro zone, pointing to the lack of flexibility inherent in a currency zone of 12 different countries all sharing the same exchange rate.
Others maintained that the elimination of exchange rate risk and increased trade between the euro zone members would boost growth and raise the EU's profile on the global economic stage.
In today's report, the Commission gives a mixed assessment, first saying that it has "lived up to the expectations of both its supporters and detractors".
"The euro has also played a key role in accelerating economic integration in Europe, and there is emerging evidence that it has led to increased trade amongst participating countries and has accelerated the integration of financial markets in Europe", concludes the report.
However, Brussels also admits that much work needs to be done, especially in combating the slow growth in the euro zone.
Euro zone growth in 2003 was a slish 0.4 percent, compared with 2.1 percent in the UK - which is not part of the euro zone, just over three percent in the US and over nine percent in China.
The Commission also identified other challenges for the euro system, notably preparing for ageing populations and admitting the ten new member states into the system.
Katinka Barysch, economics expert at the Centre for European Reform, believes that the euro has had an impressive first five years.
"If you think back to when the euro was introduced, we had predictions of absolute disaster", she recalled. "But what happened? Absolutely nothing".
"The introduction of the euro was about as smooth as the introduction of a currency could possibly be", she said, adding that the European Central Bank now has an excellent reputation.
And she thinks that the slow growth in the euro zone is less to do with the euro and more to do with the effects of German reunification, which has slowed growth in Europe's largest economy.
"Slow growth in the euro zone is not really a euro issue", said Ms Barysch.
However, this view is by no means shared by all.
Ian Davidson, a British member of parliament and Chairman of Labour Against The Euro, said, "The Commission claims that the first five years of the euro has been a success, but it has brought low growth and high unemployment to many parts of the euro zone".
He added, "The ECB has failed to boost growth and the fiscal rules are in a mess. Anyone thinking the euro is working must be living in cloud-cuckoo land".
Spaniard Josep Borrell Fontelles has been elected as President of the European parliament after gaining the majority backing of MEPs at the first time of asking.
From the 700 MEPs voting, Mr Borrell gained 388 votes at the first ballot, 64 more than was need to garner an necessary absolute majority of votes cast.
The other two candidates, Polish Liberal Bronislaw Geremek, who was supported by the Liberals and French communist Francis Wurtz gained 208 and 51 votes respectively.
The election of Mr Borrell, 57, did not come as a surprise following a recent "technical" deal reached between the two biggest groups – the centre-right EPP and the Socialists.
According to this agreement, the socialist will lead the parliament for the first half of the five-year legislature while the EPP leader Hans-Gert Poettering takes over in the second half.
This agreement was however criticised by the Liberal and Democrats group leader Graham Watson, who described it as "an unnatural" alliance.
The Greens also derided the agreement.
However, Mr Borrell denied that there is a link between the deal and possible Socialist support for the centre-right candidate for Commission President José Manuel Durăo Barroso - who faces a vote of approval by MEPs on Thursday.
"Europe is more than a political experience to me, it is a vital project", Mr Borrell said before the votes.
"If I am elected I will represent the diversity of this house and I will defend its role before the other community institutions", he said.
Versed in four languages, including Catalan, the former minister and member of the Convention on the future of Europe praised former European Parliament President Pat Cox, who described his presidency as "brilliant in nature".
Among his future tasks, he will have the job to take up again the issue of the Members’ Statute which sets out an equal salary for all MEPs, after it was rejected by some member states earlier this year.
The large groups in the European parliament are set to head the most important committees in the House, following an agreement between the political groups.
This deal is likely to be confirmed by the committees themselves when they vote to elect their chairpersons and vice-chairs this Thursday and Friday.
The committees are divided between the groups depending on how well a group fared in the European Parliament elections and after negotiations with the other groups.
This means that the largest groups in the European Parliament get first choice of the most influential committees.
The parliament's committees do the preparatory work for Parliament's plenary sessions, where they draw up and adopt reports on legislative proposals.
Following June's elections, the centre-right EPP remained the biggest group with 268 MEPs, followed by the Socialists with 200, the liberal and democrats on 88, Greens/Efa 42, leftist GUE 41, Independence and Democracy 33 and the right-wing UEN 27.
EPP gets the most
The centre-right EPP is likely to head eight of the 20 committees plus one of the new subcommittees on security and defence, the Socialists seven, the Liberals three, while the leftist GUE group and the UEN will head one each.
The Green group, on the other hand, is only likely to chair another subcommittee on human rights.
Among the committees that the centre-right EPP is expected to head are the foreign affairs committee with German Elmar Brok expected to keep his place as chair, the legal affairs committee, the budget committee and industry and research committee - the last it likely to be headed by the Briton Giles Bryan Chichester.
The Socialist group, on the other hand, is set to secure the influential budgetary control committee, the economic and monetary affairs committee (headed by French MEP Pervenche Berčs) the employment and social affairs committee and the internal market committee.
This group is also expected to get the International Trade committee, where the chair is expected to be former Socialist group leader Enrique Barón Crespo.
The third largest group in the House, the Liberals and Democrats Alliance hopes to head three committees - civil liberties, transport and fisheries, while vice-chairing two others.
The GUE group is set to head the development committee while the UEN are likely to get the one for petitions.
The eurosceptic ID group, although they have more seats than the UEN group, decided not to take one of the remaining committees and opted instead to vice-chair more "interesting" committees - environment, budgetary control, transport and fisheries.
The newly enlarged European Parliament will begin its new five-year term today with a plenary session in Strasbourg.
Containing 732 MEPs from 25 member states, it is the only directly-elected body in the EU and represents around 450 million people.
Today will see the election of its new president - most likely Spanish socialist MEP Josep Borrell.
The heads of the different committees and the vice-presidents of the Parliament will also be elected over the course of this week.
However, the start of the parliament has been marred by the backroom deals between the two biggest groups in the parliament - the centre-right and the socialists - which have seen the presidency of the Brussels assembly plus committee chairs carved up between them.
A record-low turnout at the European elections in June is also casting a long shadow over the assembly.
Participation in the new member states, which had only joined the month before, were some of the lowest rates ever seen.
This was despite outgoing head of the parliament Liberal Pat Cox who did much to raise awareness of the European Parliament during his time in office.
This parliament will have several important issues to look at that were left over from the last term - the last parliament passed over 400 bills.
How legislation fares in this parliament will depend on the interaction between the political groups - the centre-right, socialists, liberals, Greens, Leftists, Europe of the nations group and eurosceptics.
The eurosceptics, strengthened after the June elections, have already caused some ructions in the assembly by promising to be as obstructive as possible.
Mixed reactions to Barroso's parliament performance
Manuel Durăo Barroso's performance lobbying for the job of Commission President has left several in the European Parliament unimpressed.
While the former Portuguese prime minister will get the seal of approval from centre-right EPP, to which he is naturally affiliated, MEPs from other groups have still to be convinced.
The second largest group in the Parliament - the Socialists - discussed his performance after the hearing and are still split on the matter.
"The majority were not very convinced", said a group insider who added that the main problem was that Mr Barroso seemed to adjust his views according to which political group was hearing him.
This meant that he told the Socialists that social and cultural issues were the top of his agenda; in the centre-right hearing he emphasised the importance of economic reform while before the Greens, who were strongly opposed to the war in Iraq which Mr Barroso supported, he said he hated the arrogance of Americans.
Among the socialists, the most strongly opposed are the French (a large faction in the group) and the Portuguese.
Officially, however, a group spokesperson said there is not yet a position on the nominee.
A spokesperson for the Greens said his group will vote against Mr Barroso next week.
While the Portuguese did "better than expected" the group still has problems with the fact that he supported the American-led invasion of Iraq and are not convinced of his European-ness.
However, their main gripe, which they will let play out on Mr Barroso, is the way he was chosen behind closed doors by EU leaders.
The leftist GUE/NGL group will also vote no - Iraq and Mr Barroso's austere economic policy when he was leader of Portugal were cited in a press release as reason for a "unanimous no" to his candidacy.
Several MEPs in the newly-formed eurosceptic group, ID, are also likely to vote no or abstain. For many in this group, it is that he is too pro-European and was not forthcoming enough on transparency issues.
On the other hand, joining the centre-right in the approval stakes are the liberals. Graham Watson, liberal leader, said "the majority of members of my group weren't hostile".
MEPs will vote next Thursday (22 July) and a simple majority of the 732-seat parliament is needed for the Portuguese to get the job. However, he is likely to secure this particularly as the EPP and the Socialists have signed a deal carving up the top jobs between them.
Part of this deal is rumoured to be that in return for centre-right MEPs supporting the Socialist candidate for head of the parliament, the socialists will give their support to Mr Barroso.
Asked on this on Wednesday, Mr Barroso said "that's really an issue for the European Parliament".
European Commission has proposed increasing its budget for education, media, culture and youth programmes by 186%.
Education and Culture Commissioners Viviane Reding and Dalia Grybauskaite made the announcement in Brussels on Thursday, outlining spending proposals for 2007-2013.
In total, 16 billion euro has been earmarked for the seven year period.
The education programme – which comprises exchange programmes Comenius for schools, Erasmus for higher education, Leonardo da Vinci For vocational training and Grundtvig for adult education – takes the largest share of the funding by far, at 13.6 billion euros.
Often cited as one of the EU's most successful policy, the Commission says it wants to see three million Erasmus students by 2011.
In total education will get a funding increase of 246%.
Youth, media and culture programmes will see more modest increases in funding.
Of this one billion euro will go to the media programme which will aid projects in pre- and post-production in a bid to promote the European film industry outside the EU and to contribute to the notion of a shared European identity.
Although these programmes have seen a big net increase in the amount of money spent - in relative terms its effects are quite small particularly as ten new member states joined the EU in May.
When asked about the size of the budget for culture which saw a small increase, Commissioner Reding conceded that it is not enough.
"It's still very little", said Mrs Reding.
The size of the budget for the youth programmes has also been criticised.
"We feel that the commission has opted for a budget at the lower limit of what is necessary to meet the political objectives and the demand of young people who would like to take part in exchanges, seminars or voluntary service", said President of the European Youth Forum Giacomo Filibeck.
A constitution for the European Union was agreed in Brussels on 18 June, 2004.
The constitution brings together for the first time the many treaties and agreements on which the EU is based. It defines the powers of the EU, stating where it can and act and where the member states retain their right of veto.
It also defines the role of the EU institutions.
¤ POWERS OF THE EU
What the constitution says:
The Union is said to be subsidiary to member states and can act only in those areas where "the objectives of the intended action cannot be sufficiently achieved by the member states but can rather... be better achieved at Union level." The principle is established that the Union derives its powers from the member states.
What it means:
The idea is to stop the Union from encroaching on the rights of member states other than in areas where the members have given them away. Critics say that the EU can act in so many areas that this clause does not mean much but supporters say it will act as a brake and is an important constitutional principle.
¤ DIVISION OF RESPONSIBILITIES
What the constitution says:
The EU already has rights to legislate over external trade and customs policy, the internal market, the monetary policy of countries in the eurozone, agriculture and fisheries and many areas of domestic law including the environment and health and safety at work.
The constitution will extend its rights into some new areas, perhaps most importantly into justice policy, especially asylum and immigration. It does away with the old structure of pillars under which some policies came under the EU and some under "inter-governmental" arrangements.
What it means:
It means a greater role for the EU in more aspects of life. In some areas, the EU will have exclusive competence, in others a shared competence and in yet more, only supporting role.
¤ DECISION MAKING
What the constitution says:
The principle of voting by qualified majority will be generally applied. It is felt that otherwise getting the agreement of all 25 members would be a recipe for inaction. There will however be a veto for members in foreign policy, defence and taxation. And there is to be what's called an "emergency brake" in which a country outvoted on an issue can take its case to the European Council, though it can still be outvoted there. The European Parliament will have an equal say on decisions requiring majority voting.
¤ QUALIFIED MAJORITY VOTING (QMV)
What the constitution says:
"A qualified majority shall be defined as at least 55% of the members of the Council, comprising at least 15 of them and representing Member States comprising at least 65% of the population of the Union."
What it means: This system replaces the old one under which countries got specific numbers of votes. There were objections that Spain and Poland had too many votes and this methods is felt to represent a fairer balance between large and small countries. The new one will still lead to complicated permutations of voting but the final results of the "double majority" should command more general respect.
An amendment does away with a proposed procedure under which the European Council could have changed an area of policy to QMV. Now such a proposal will have to go before national parliaments and if one objects the measure fails.
¤ PRESIDENT
What the constitution says:
The European Council, that is the heads of state or government of the member states, "shall elect its President, by qualified majority, for a term of two and a half years, renewable once." The candidate will then have to be approved by the European Parliament. The President will "chair (the Council) and drive its work forward and ensure, at his level, the external representation of the Union."
What it means:
This is a new post. At the moment, the Council presidency rotates through the member states every six months, so continuity is lost. The new President will therefore be a permanent figure with much greater influence and symbolism. But since he or she will be subject to the Council, the powers of the post are limited.
¤ FOREIGN MINISTER
What the constitution says:
"The European Council, deciding by qualified majority, with the agreement of the president of the Commission, shall appoint the Union Minister of Foreign Affairs... [who] shall conduct the Union's common foreign and security policy."
What it means:
It sounds grand, but the minister will only be able to speak on the EU's behalf when there is an agreed or common policy, for example over the Middle East roadmap which members have accepted. The post will combine the present roles of the external affairs member of the Commission with the High Representative on foreign policy so it will be more prominent, especially in negotiating trade and aid agreements. The EU is also to set up its diplomatic service which will strengthen the Minister's hand.
¤ FOREIGN AND DEFENCE POLICY
What the constitution says:
"The Union shall have competence to define and implement a common foreign and security policy, including the progressive framing of a common defence policy."
What it means:
It does not mean that a common foreign or defence policy will be imposed on member states. Each one will retain a right of veto and can go its own way. There is nothing that could stop divisions over Iraq for example. The aim however is to agree on as much as possible. Defence is even more sensitive and has been ring-fenced by references to the primacy of Nato for relevant members.
¤ REFORM OF THE COMMISSION
What it says:
The Commission, the body which proposes and executes EU laws, "will consist of one national from each Member State" for its first term of five years starting in November 2004. After that it will be slimmed down to "a number of members... corresponding to two thirds of the number of Member States, unless the European Council, acting unanimously, decides to alter this figure."
What it means:
As a transitional measure to reduce the fears of small states that they will be ignored, each member state will have a Commissioner (only one each) from November. The idea after five years is to slim down the Commission from 25 to 18 (or one or two more if there are more member states by then). It is felt that the current Commission is too big with not enough jobs to go round.
¤ EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT
What the constitution says:
The European Parliament is to have powers of "co-decision" with the Council of Ministers for those policies requiring a decision by qualified majority.
What it means:
The European Parliament has over the years acquired real power and the constitution confirms this. If the parliament does not agree to a piece of relevant legislation, it will not pass. This idea is to strengthen democracy because the parliament is the only EU institution in which voters have a direct say.
¤ CHARTER OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS
What the constitution says:
It sets out "rights, freedoms and principles." These include a whole list from the right to life and the right to liberty down to the right to strike.
What it means:
The Charter is wide-ranging but has to be tested in the courts before its exact status is established. The British government says that rules for interpreting the Charter mean, for example, that national laws on industrial relations will not be affected.
¤ LEGAL SUPREMACY
What the constitution says:
The EU will for the first time have a "legal personality" and its laws will trump those of national parliaments: "The Constitution and law adopted by the Union institutions in exercising competence conferred upon it by the Constitution shall have primacy over the law of the member states."
What it means:
This really just confirms the status quo, which is that if the EU is allowed to legislate in an area of policy, its law will overtake any national laws. Equally in areas where it does not legislate, national law prevails.
By having a "legal personality", the EU will be able, as an organisation, to enter into international agreements. The old European Community had this right but the EU as a whole did not so its status in world diplomacy increases.
¤ LEAVING THE EU
What the constitution says:
A new procedure describes how a member would leave the EU: " A member state which decides to withdraw shall notify the Council of its intention... The Union shall negotiate and conclude an agreement with that state, setting out the arrangements for its withdrawal."
What it means:
It was always the case that a member state could leave by simply repealing its own legislation. Now there is a formal procedure designed to show that the EU is a voluntary association. However a departing member would have to agree terms so there is an implied threat that it would not be that easy.
This clause is presumably designed never to be used.
The European Commission has scored a major victory over EU member states as the European Court of Justice annulled the decision of the Council to suspend a disciplinary procedure against France and Germany for repeatedly breaking the euro rules.
In a short ruling, read out in Luxembourg, the Court said today (13 July) it "annulled the conclusions adopted by the Council in which the Council held the excessive deficit procedures in abeyance".
This represents a landmark victory for the Brussels executive and affirms its role as the supervisor of EU economic policy.
But there are few legal precedents to point to what might happen next.
Since the Council's conclusions are annulled, finance ministers may have to take another decision based on the Commission recommendations that the Council illegally rejected.
However, member states are unlikely to share a single opinion on the ruling. Germany and France, which could be fined up to 10 and seven billion euro respectively, will be outraged.
But the Netherlands, which currently holds the EU presidency, has frequently called for a strict interpretation of the rules underpinning the euro and is likely to welcome the judgement.
EU foreign ministers meeting in Brussels on Monday are set to agree that the Constitution be signed in Rome at the end of October.
Diplomatic sources have told to the EUobserver that 29 October is the date most likely to be chosen after consultation with most of the 25 member states.
The date is some three weeks earlier Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi previous sestion.
Mr Berlusconi's unilateral comments that it should be 20 November caused irritation in the Dutch EU presidency which has the lead on the issue.
An EU diplomat said that 20 November did not suit everyone as "not all partners were consulted".
The October date also means that it takes place before the current mandate of the European Commission runs out giving Commission chief Romano Prodi, arch rival of Mr Berlusconi, a last EU photo opportunity while in office.
Referendum talks
But this is not the only aspect of the Constitution that will be dealt with on Monday. Foreign ministers are also to have an initial discussion on trying to communicate Europe more effectively to its citizens.
Part of this debate will be devoted to how to sell the European Constitution to the people so that it will not be rejected in a referendum.
EU leaders touched on this topic when they met in Brussels at the end of June.
Getting the Constitution through all 25 member states is the next big headache facing the bloc as it is likely one or more countries will say no.
One of the main ideas being floated is to bring the dates for referendums closer together in time so the whole ratification process is not spread out over a long two-year period.
The first of the referendums can start 50 days after signature of the treaty with Spain and the Netherlands likely to be among the first countries putting the question to their citizens.
The Constitution is not set to come into force until 2007 at the earliest.
How does the EU budget work?
The EU's budget - known in technical jargon as the financial perspectives - are agreed in advance for a seven year period. The next period will run from 2007-2013. Member States and the Parliament agree on spending limits for the whole period and also for subdivisions within that budget. At present the budget is subdivided into seven categories: agriculture, structural measures, internal policies, external action, administrative procedure, reserves and pre-accession aid.
What are the current limits?
Spending in the EU is currently limited to 1.24 percent of the gross national income (GNI) of the EU Member States. This means that there is a maximum of approximately 124 billion euro available to spend every year. In practice, the EU is currently spending less than this - around 0.98 percent of Gross National Income or 98 billion euro.
Where does the money come from?
The EU has four main revenue streams. It gets the vast majority of its money from the member states through the financial perspectives (73.4 percent). But it also receives 10.4 percent from customs duties, 14.1 percent from VAT and 1.3 percent from agricultural duties.
There has been a controversial debate in recent months over whether the EU should be able to levy a direct tax to fund its projects. This will not happen in this seven-year period, but will continue to be discussed.
Where does the money go?
The vast majority of EU funds goes on the common agricultural policy and on structural funds for poorer regions. These two items will account for 44 percent and 34 percent respectively of the 2004 budget. After this comes spending on external action at 6.9 percent, internal policies at seven percent and administrative expenditure at six percent.
Why is the budget so controversial?
Apart from the simple fact that it is about money, some Member States resent the amount they are asked to pay into the EU's coffers. Six of the richer Member States - who pay more into the EU than they get out - have written to the Commission President asking him to reduce the spending cap to 1 percent of GNI.
But the Commission believes that the eve of enlargement is not the time to be reducing the amount of money the EU has at its disposal. It also argues that Member States have set ambitious targets and programmes for the EU - all of which require hefty funds.
What happens next?
The Commission will present the entire package of proposals by July 2004 at the latest. There will then be a debate amongst the heads of government at the European Council in December 2004 and an attempt to find a political agreement at the Council of June 2005. At the Council in December 2005, the framework is expected to be adopted leaving 2006 to be devoted to preparatory work on programmes designed to be implemented as soon as the new period starts in 2007.
Anything else?
The financial perspectives should not be confused with the annual budget, which still needs to be agreed every year, but within the framework agreed by the financial perspectives.
And you can expect a long and bitter battle. Last time the EU was trying to agree the financial perspectives, agreement was finally reached at 6am after lengthy and acrimonious discussions.
This time the controversial subject takes place against a backdrop of other disagreements, over the euro rules and over the Constitution. One thing is for certain - it will not be any easier this time around.
Prema članku 49. Ugovora o Europskoj uniji zahtjev za članstvo može podnijeti svaka europska država čije uređenje počiva na načelima slobode, demokracije, poštivanja ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda, te vladavini prava. Navedena odredba unesena je u osnivačke ugovore EU tek Ugovorom iz Amsterdama, sklopljenim 1997., a temelji se na zaključcima Europskog viježa u Kopenhagenu iz 1993., kojima su postavljena 3 kriterija koja sve buduće zemlje kandidati moraju ispunjavati:
1.Politički:stabilnost institucija koje osiguravaju demokraciju, vladavinu prava, poštivanje ljudskih prava i prava manjina, te prihvaćanje političkih ciljeva Unije;
2.Gospodarski:postojanje djelotvornog tržišnog gospodarstva, te sposobnosti tržišnih čimbenika da se nose s konkurencijom i zakonima unutar EU;
Međutim, da bi se osigurala sigurna primjena kriterija uveden je na sastanku Europskog vijeća 1995. u Madridu još jedan, četvrti kriterij:
4.Administrativni: prilagodba odgovarajućih administrativnih struktura s ciljem osiguravanja uvjeta za postupnu i skladnu integraciju.
II.ZAHTJEV ZA ČLANSTVO U EUROPSKOJ UNIJI
Zahtjev je kraće pismo koje potpisuje ili predsjednik vlade ili predsjednik države koja podnosi zahtjev za članstvo u EU. U zahtjevu se ističe, međuostalim:
- europska pripadnost države podnositeljice zahtjeva;
- uključivanje u EU kao cilj politike države podnositeljice zahjeva;
- spremnost prihvaćanja svih ciljeva EU, kao i obveza koje proizlaze iz članstva u EU.
Zahtjev može pratiti kraći ili opširniji dokument koji ga sadržajno podupire, a u kojem se navode postignuća države u procesu približavanja u EU.
Zahtjev se upućuje državi članici koja u to vrijeme predsjedava Vijećem EU, a Vijeće EU podneseni zahtjev upućuje Europskom vijeću. Tek na temelju Europskog vijeća Europska komisija pristupa izradi mišljenja o samom zahtjevu ( avis ).
Nakon toga Europska komisija upužuje državi podnositeljici zahtjeva poseban upitnik s rokom unutar kojeg ta država treba pripremiti potrebne podatke. Posljedni upitnik, koji je upužen sadašnjim državama kandidatkinjama, sastojao se od:
- uputa za ispunjavanje upitnika;
- dijela koji se odnosio na 23 poglavlja " Bijele knjige za pripremu država srednje i istočne Europe za uključivanje u unutarnje tržište EU " i
- dijela s posebnim pitanjima o državi kandidatkinji za članstvo.
Upitnik je imao oko 150 stranica, rok za odgovor je bio 3 mjeseca, a države kandidatkinje dostavile su odgovore na čak nekoliko tisuća članica.
Na temelju dostavljenih podtaka, ali i podataka iz drugih izvora komisija donosi:
1.mišljenje kojim ocjenjuje stanje i mogućnosti države podnositeljice zahtjeva glede ispunjenja uvjeta za članstvo;
2.preporuke za otvaranje pregovora o primanju u članstvo.
Mišljenje o samom zahtjevu sastoji se od:
- prikaza odnosa države podnositeljice zahtjeva i EU;
- analizu stanja u svezi ispunjenja političkih uvjeta za članstvo;
- ocjenu stanja i mogućnosti glede ispunjenja gospodarskih uvjeta;
- analizu sposobnosti prihvaćanja obveza koje proizlaze iz članstva i
- opću ocjenu stanja i mogužnosti glede ispunjenja uvjeta za članstvo i s tim povezanu preporuku o otvaranju pregovora.
Svoje mišljenje i preporuku Komisija upućuje Europskom vijeću koje onda donosi konačnu odluku o odobravanju statusa kandidata državi podnositeljici zahtjeva za članstvo.
Ako je mišljenje pozitivno, Europsko vijeće saziva bilateralnu međuvladinu konferenciju između EU i države kandidatkinje. Od tog trenutka nadležnost za bilateralne odnose između EU i države kandidatkinje preuzima Opća uprava za proširenje. Statusom kandidata država dobiva mogućnost korištenja brojnih predpristupnih fondova EU koji bi joj trebali osigurati brži razvoj i potporu reformama koje treba provesti
Negativno mišljenje je zabilježeno jedino u slučaju Turske i Grčke. Turska je još u rujnu 1963. godine uspostavila ugovorne odnose s Europskom zajednicom potpisavši Sporazum o pridruživanju, ali je zbog niza političkih i ekonomskih razloga zahtjev za članstvo u EZ-u, koji je podnijela 1987. godine, Europska komisija ocijenila negativno, te je slijedom toga 1989. godine njezin zahtjev odbijen. Tek je 10 godina poslije, na Europskom vijeću u Helsinkiju 1999. godine, Turskoj formalno priznat status kandidata. Međutim, Europska unija još uvijek nije utvrdila datum početka pregovora o punopravnom članstvu s Turskom, već je samo odredila datum kada će o tome, pod određenim uvjetima, donijeti odluku ( prosinac 2004. godine ). Drugi slučaj u kojem je Europska komisija dala mišljenje s negativnim tonom je slučaj Grčke iz 1976. godine. Grčka je s Europskom zajednicom potpisala Sporazum o pridruživanju u srpnju 1961. godine, a zahtjev za punopravnim članstvom predala je 1975. godine. Europska komisija je 1976. godine dala mišljenje o grčkom zahtjevu s preporukom da se prije krajnje integracije u EU provede tranzicijsko predpristupno razdoblje zbog gospodarskih problema u kojima se ta država tada nalazila. Predloženo je da tijekom predpristupnog razdoblja Grčkoj bude osiguran pristup instrumentima financijske pomoći Europske zajednice kako bi mogla provesti potrebne gospodarske reforme. Međutim, zbog niza razloga ( op. a. ponajprije političke prirode ) Europsko vijeće je odbacilo ovo mišljenje Europske komisije, te su pregovori za članstvo započeli već u srpnju 1976. godine, a Grčka je već 1981. postala punopravnom članicom Europske zajednice.
III.ODNOSI SADAŠNJIH DRŽAVA KANDIDATA i DRŽAVA ČLANICA S EU
Prve je ugovorne odnose uspostavila Turska potpisivanjem Sporazuma o pridruživanju ( Ankarski sporazum, op. a. ) u rujnu 1963. Nakon toga Malta i Cipar koji su Sporazum potpisali u prosincu 1970., odnosno u prosincu 1972. Nakon pada " željezne zavjese " EU je državama srednje i istočne Europe, te baltičkim državama ponudila novu vrstu sporazuma – europske sporazume. Te sporazume su potpisale Mađarska i Poljska – prosinac 1991., Rumunjska – veljača 1993., Bugarska – ožujak 1993., Češka i Slovačka – listopad 1993., Estonija, Litva i Latvija – lipanj 1995., te Slovenija – lipanj 1996. Osnovni cilj sporazuma je priprema ovih država za punopravno članstvo u EU. Za razliku od sadašnjih država kandidata, državama obuhvaćenim Procesom o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju – Albaniji, BiH, Hrvatskoj, Makedoniji i SiCG – EU je odmah ponudila još noviju generaciju sporazuma – Sporazume o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju.
11. prosinca 1999. godine, Turska i službeno dobiva status države kandidata. Sljedeći je zahtjev za članstvo predao Cipar, 3. srpnja 1990., a nedugo zatim, 16. srpnja 1990., i Malta. Europska komisija je 1993. godine objavila pozitivno mišljenje o zahtjevu tih dviju država za punopravno članstvo u EU, te su one službeno postale države kandidati u listopadu iste godine. Međutim, tri godine poslije, promjene na unutarnjopolitičkoj sceni za Maltu su prouzročile privremeno "zamrzavanje" statusa kandidata. Godine 1998. Malta ponovo podnosi zahtjev za članstvo, a Europska komisija daje novo pozitivno izvješće o njezinu zahtjevu. Malti se potvrđuje sposobnost za članstvo u EU, te ona ponovno dobiva status kandidata na Europskom vijeću u Helsinkiju 1999. godine. Države srednje i istočne Europe te baltičke države podnosile su zahtjev za članstvo u Europskoj uniji tijekom tri godine. Prve su zahtjev za članstvo predale Mađarska (31. ožujka 1994.) i Poljska (5. travnja 1994.). Više od godinu dana poslije, zahtjev predaju Rumunjska (22. lipnja 1995.), Slovačka (27. lipnja 1995.), Latvija (27. listopada 1995.), Estonija (24. studenog 1995.), Litva (8. prosinca 1995.) te Bugarska (15. prosinca 1995.). Posljednje su zahtjev za članstvo predale Slovenija (10. lipnja 1996.) i Češka (17. siječnja 1996.). Na temelju pozitivnih mišljenja Europske komisije, te prihvaćanja istih na Europskom vijeću u Luksemburgu, Češka, Estonija, Mađarska, Poljska i Slovenija službeno postaju državama kandidatima 1997. godine Iako su i druge države srednje i istočne Europe (Bugarska, Latvija, Litva, Rumunjska i Slovačka) već bile podnijele zahtjeve za članstvo, te godine Europska komisija nije preporučila Europskom vijeću službeno prihvaćanje njihovih zahtjeva. Prema njezinu mišljenju, te države nisu tada još u dovoljnoj mjeri ispunjavale gospodarske i političke kriterije za članstvo u Europskoj uniji. Međutim, dvije godine poslije, Europsko vijeće u Helsinkiju priznaje spomenutim državama status kandidata za članstvo u EU, a Bugarska, Latvija, Litva, Rumunjska i Slovačka službeno postaju državama kandidatima 1999. godine te se, zajedno s Maltom, nazivaju Helsinškom skupinom.
Pregovori s ovim državama započeli su 31. ožujka 1998. godine. Dvije godine poslije, 15. veljače 2000. godine, Helsinška skupina također otpočinje pregovore o članstvu.
U cilju podrške i pomoći državama kandidatima u postizanju reformi potrebnih za članstvo u EU i pripremama za priključenje EU, EU je pripremila predpristupnu strategiju, donešenu na sastanku EU Vijeća u Luksemburgu 1997. Ta strategija uključuje:
- sporazume o pridruživanju;
- pristupno partnerstvo koje razrađuje kratkoročne i srednjoročne prioritete na temelju europskih sporazuma i nacionalni program usvajanja pravne stečevine EU koji države kandidati izrađuju na temelju pristupnog partnerstva na godišnjoj osnovi;
- predpristupna pomoć koja obuhvaća pružanje financijske pomoći putem Phare, ISPA i SAPARD, te sudjelovanje u programima EU-a u područjima obrazovanja, strukovnog obrazovanja, istraživanja, zaštite okoliša, malog i srednjeg poduzetništva, javnog zdravstva te programa za mlade.
Od financijsko – tehničkih programa tim državama su dostupni:
1.Phare program: glavni je financijsko – tehnički instrument predpristupne strategije za deset država kandidata srednje i istočne Europe, a pokrenut je 1989.
Ciljevi za razdoblje od 2000. – 2006.:
- izgradnja institucija potrebnih u procesu približavanja Europskoj uniji i
- financiranje investicijskih projekata.
Sredstva Phare programa usmjerena su pretežno na izgradnju infrastrukture rezvoja privatnog poduzetništva, obrazovanje, usavršavanje i istraživanje, zaštitu okoliša i nuklearnu sigurnost te restrukturiranje poljoprivrede.
2.ISPA program: instrument je za strukturne politike pokrenut radi pružanja pomoći u prilagođavanju standardima EU u području prometa i zaštite okoliša. Sva sredstva korištena su u investicijskim projektima izgradnje prometne infrastrukture i infrastrukture vezane uz zaštitu okoliša.
3.SAPARD program: poseban je program EU za rješavanje problema strukturnih prilagodbi u poljoprivredi i ruralnom razvoju, te pružanju pomoći u provedbi zajedničke poljoprivredne politike.
Za države kandidate iz srednje i istočne Europe razvijen je još i TAIEX, ured tehničke pomoći za razmjenu informacija, osnovan s ciljem pružanja tehničke pomoći u procesu usklađivanja i provedbe zakonodavstva Unije.
Nadalje, status kandidata otvara vrata mogućnosti sudjelovanja u programima Zajednice. Neki od tih programa su TEMPUS – suradnja na području visokoškolskog obrazovanja, SOCRATES – poticanje suradnje u području školskog i visokoškolskog obrazovanja, YOUTH – poticanje mobilnosti, razmjene, inicijative, međukulturalnog učenja i solidarnosti među mladioma od 15 – 25 godina, " Jednakost spolova " – program namijenjen promociji jednakosti spolova, " Altener " – program za obnovljive izvore energije, " Nevladine udruge u području zaštite okoliša " – program za promociju nevladinih udruga koje bave zaštitom okoliša, " Kultura 2000 " – program koji potiče suradnju u području kulture, " Promocija zdravlja " – program vezan uz zdravlje, informiranje i obrazovanje u području javnog zdravstva, …
The Young European Federalists is a supranational, political movement active in most European countries. It is an autonomous youth organisation which has no party political affiliations or commitments. It participates in the exchange of opinions and experiences with other political movements, but will not identify with any of them. JEF's interlocutors are political parties, European, national and local institutions and associations, as well as the general public. In this sense JEF is a political movement, but not a party.
JEF is not interested in the direct management of political power: it concentrates its action on the achievement of international democracy through the establishment of federal systems in Europe and in the world. The aims of JEF are to work for the creation of a European Federation, first step towards peace and World Federation, and for a freer, more just and more democratic federal society.
JEF works for increased international democracy, primarily, but not exclusively, within the European continent. It seeks to implement the principles of federalism, the origins of which can be found in the writings of Proudhon, Kant, Marc, Spinelli and others.
Federalism proposes a decentralised, self-managed society, in which all persons affected by a decision may participate in making it. All decisions must be reached by democratic institutions at the most appropriate level.
Democracy at all levels
In today's world, traditional government based on the concept of the sovereign nation-state is not able to deal with the many problems which arise from increasing interdependence. JEF believes that the challenges and opportunities posed by increased interdependence can only be addressed through the adoption of democratic solutions at all levels of government: from the supranational down to the subnational level.
National states as we have known them in the past have become increasingly centralised, whilst at the same time their inability to deal on their own with the issues facing their citizens has contributed to a growing sense of alienation. Increasingly, citizens are beginning to feel that the national political arena is irrelevant for many of the real issues which concern them, as more and more areas of politics acquire a significant international dimension. Up until now, the efforts of nation states to solve such problems by means of traditional intergovernmental cooperation have proved inadequate.
At the same time, the growing centralisation in national capitals has contributed towards a perception that decision-making lacks transparency and popular participation. Many problems which can only be adequately dealt with at a local level are not being solved. Furthermore, regional differences and cultural diversity are being stifled.
In order to deal with these it is necessary to elaborate common policies to be democratically established and efficiently implemented through integrated, supranational institutions. In this sense, a reshaping of the sharing of powers and competences among national and European institutions is urgently needed. The European Union represents the most advanced example of European integration, but its decision-making system remains overly complex and lacking in transparency. Without accountable institutions and a truly democratic decision-making process, operating according to the rule of law, the European Union will remain inefficient and unable to meet the real demands of its citizens. JEF campaigns for a new European Union, one which is both effective and democratic, and one which is able to deal with the challenges and rise to the opportunities provided by our new interdependent world.
What Federalism is
The Foundation of the United States of America and the Birth of Federalism
Since ancient times there have been various attempts by different states to create unions. But it was in North America, with the Philadelphia Convention of 1787, that history's first federal constitution was realised. It was the result of a compromise between those who wanted to unite into a single state, and those who sought to preserve the absolute sovereignty of, the thirteen colonies that had just won independence from the mother country.
The federal constitution represented a happy compromise because, as Alexander Hamilton immediately recognised, it allowed for the spread of representative government over an area composed of many states, thus realising unity through diversity. Under the federation, the people were represented in the House of Representatives, while the states could defend their specific interests in the Senate. The federal government was competent for the common matters of foreign and commercial policy: all other competencies were reserved to the states. As a result of the federal union, American citizens were able to experience notable economic development, and above all to avoid the conflicts and wars which continued to afflict the great European powers, and all those countries, such as those in South America, which having won independence failed to achieve political unity.
Federalism, Cosmopolitanism and Nationalism
In the same years that the American colonies were embarking down the road to independence and union, the philosopher Immanuel Kant was arguing that since states live in a condition of anarchy, like individuals in their natural state, warfare and not the law was the only means to which they could ultimately resort to gain justice. There would therefore be no true international law as long as states did not abandon their present condition of unlimited freedom and accept a common federal constitution, that is a government which had sufficient powers to ensure universal peace and the independence of each member state. The cosmopolitan value of federalism, which is implicit in the American constitution and explicit in Kant's political thought, was however immediately stifled by the overwhelming rise of nationalism. The historical conditions for the development of federalism as a universal project were not existent at that time. The French Revolution asserted the model of the sovereign nation-state that is centralised and closed within secure borders, which was universally adopted.
The nation-state stifles local autonomy and ethnic minorities. Nationalism conceives of relations between states as between powers which assert their own interests by force of arms and which claim the absolute loyalty of their citizens, even to the extent of the supreme sacrifice of one's life. Nationalism is the political culture of the division of the human race, it teaches the hatred of foreigners and exalts and justifies violence. Nationalism is the political ideology that led Europe and the world into the tragic episodes of nazi-fascism and total war.
European Federalism
In the course of the resistance, there began to form spontaneously in all the European countries - in prisons, in places of confinement or in clandestinity - opposition groups which proposed to rebuild a pacified Europe, with no more racial hatred or borders. The idea of the European federation, which during the 19th century had been considered a noble ideal, became instead a concrete political project. The Ventotene Manifesto (1941) set out the "dividing line between progress and reaction" between those who regard a European federation to be the primary objective of the political strle, and those who continue to think that the values of liberty, freedom and social justice can be pursued within the nation-state. It was for this reason that the Movimento Federalista Europeo was founded in Italy. In the post-war period, European governments were no longer able on their own to guarantee their citizens either economic independence or security. European unity increasingly seemed the only reasonable option, and federalist action became possible.
From 1950 on, thanks to the courageous initiatives of Jean Monnet and Altiero Spinelli, European governments set out, even if only gradually, on the road to political unity. Today, after many years of strle, defeats and successes, the European federalists must face the final decisive battle. Following the end of the cold war, Europe has now reached a crucial choice: either federal unity, so as to build an increasingly interdependent world that is peaceful and capable of solidarity, or a return to the divisions, nationalisms and evils of the past.
Federalism and the Traditional Ideologies
The experience of the federalist movements, which were, and continue to be, fully autonomous of the national parties, demonstrates that federalism is an ideology which fosters a new kind of political behaviour. As Mario Albertini has argued, federalism is an "active political thought" which contains a value aspect, that of universal peace, as defined in Kant's political thought; a structural aspect, namely the theory of the federal state; and a socio- historical aspect, the stage of development corresponding to a pluralistic society that is open to interdependent relations. Federalism has a critical relationship toward the traditional ideologies. Federalism does not set itself up against liberalism, democracy and socialism. However, it does affirm that the great values of freedom, political equality and social justice can not be valid only for the citizens of one nation-state. By accepting such a limitation, the traditional ideologies have implicitly subordinated their ideals to raison d'etat, even to the point of nakedly betraying, as during the First and Second World Wars, the international solidarity which united liberals, democrats and socialists of all countries. Only through federalism can the values of liberalism, democracy and socialism be affirmed in a world without frontiers.
The Two Polarities of Federalism
Federalism extends between two ideal polarities, cosmopolitanism and communitarianism.
The national dimension of the state is now inadequate not only for tackling the great problems of our time whose scope is global, but also for guaranteeing citizens effective participation in the life of the state and the effective land and urban planning. Particularly in Europe, where the integration process has reached a very advanced stage, it is clear that the nation-state must cede responsibilities both upward (to the European government) and downward (to smaller territorial communities, such as the regions and districts). Federalism enables relations between different territorial communities to be organised democratically, from the lower levels, such as the districts, to ever higher levels, such as the regional, national and continental ones. Ultimately, through the union of different continental federations, it is possible to conceive of a democratic world government. The sub-division of powers for the various levels of government must respect the principles of subsidiarity, because problems should be resolved at a higher level only when it is impossible to tackle them satisfactorily at a lower level that is closer to citizens; and territorial solidarity, because the citizens of richer and more well-off territorial communities should share in the poorer territorial communities' efforts to achieve a higher level of prosperity. However, the strle by local communities to gain greater autonomy risks, in the current European situation that is still balanced between unity and division, turning into tragedy, when claims to independence are combined with micro-nationalism, as the case of Yugoslavia demonstrates. An aspiration to autonomy is progressive only if it recognises the political priority of overcoming the national dimension of political life, because as long as peoples are forced to regulate international relations by force of arms, the reasons that in the past have caused the centralisation and bureaucratisation of the state will survive.
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FACTFILE - BOX 1
A. Hamilton
The Evils of Division
To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent unconnected sovereignties situated in the same neighbourhood, would be to disregard the uniform course of human events and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages.
-- The Federalist, 1788
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FACTFILE - BOX 2
I. Kant
Federalism and Peace
Peace cannot be attained without a federation of peoples, in which even the weakest member can look for its rights and security not to its own power or adjudication, but to this great confederation, to the united power and the adjudication of the collective will.
-- Idea of a Universal History on a Cosmopolitan Plan, 1784
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FACTFILE - BOX 3
P.J. Proudhon
Nation-States and Centralism
National sentiment is in inverse proportion to the extension of the state. As the latter gradually incorporates new territories there is a progressive denaturalisation. This will be one of the causes of the dissolution of the state. Nationality restricts sentiments and genius. Agglomeration broadens them. The French nation is currently composed of at least twenty distinct nations and their character, observed in the people and in the peasants, is still strongly defined... The Frenchman is a being of convention, he does not exist. That which it pleases us to represent in novels, in plays, in caricatures, be it soldier or cook, barber or travelling salesman, is a joke. Such a large nation can only hold itself together by force. The standing army serves above all for this. Take this support away from the administration and from the central police and France falls into federalism. The local attractions prevail.
-- France et Rhine, 1867
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FACTFILE - BOX 4
M. Albertini
Federalism, Traditional Ideologies and Internationalism
The history of European federalism is nothing more than that of the manifestation of the contradiction between the affirmation of democracy in the national context, and its negation in the international context. This is equivalent to saying that European federalism, starting from the French Revolution, is an aspect of European history, a much broader aspect than it is often thought to be (even if imprecise, like all historical tendencies that have not yet reached maturity), in which, alongside an adventure of thought begun philosophically by Kant, lies the slow unfurling of the universal element of the great revolutionary waves. These are liberalism, for what concerns the rights of citizens; democracy, for what concerns the rights of peoples; and socialism, for what concerns the socio-economic rights of the peoples.
These three great ideologies, which have gradually furnished the nationstate with democratic and social content, have de facto, from the very beginning, contained an element of federalism, even though the awareness of this has been undermined by the theoretical confusion of federalism with its opposite, internationalism, which entrusts rulers rather than the people with the solution of international problems.
-- The Historical and Cultural Roots of European Federalism, 1973
Pobjednici i gubitnici EU integracija ~ Sažetak knjige Svjetske banke ~ 2. dio
IZAZOVI ZA EU
Pored izazova s kojima su u procesu integracije suočene zemlje srednje i istočne Europe, moguće je izdvojiti i nekoliko pitanja koja predstavljaju izazove za samu EU u procesu proširenja na istok.
(1) Nedostatnost instrumenata EU (strukturalni fondovi) u suočavanju s regionalnim nejednakostima unutar EU nakon priključenja zemalja kandidata. Ti instrumenti, naime, preferiraju stare u odnosu na nove članice.
(2) Problem povećane nejednakosti unutar pojedinih novih članica nakon ulaska zemalja srednje i istočne Europe. Ove nejednakosti mogu biti izvor društvenih kriza a time i smanjene podrške integraciji.
(3) Poljoprivreda, zbog povećanja cijena u zemljama srednje i istočne Europe.
(4) Ilegalna imigracija u EU, koja će se možda povećati u proširenoj EU.
(5) Institucionalna prilagodba EU kako bi bila spremna primiti nove članice.
(6) Problem upravljanja procesom proširenja gdje će neke zemlje znatno zaostajati za drugima pri ulasku u EU.
Češka, Mađarska, Poljska, Slovačka, Slovenija
U zadnjih nekoliko godina zemlje srednje i istočne Europe prošle su kroz socioekonomske promjene, približile se EU, te išle ukorak s globalizacijom. Ovi procesi odvijali su se istovremeno, tako da nije uvijek moguće odvojiti troškove i koristi priprema za integraciju u EU od troškova i koristi transformacije i globalizacije. Ovi potonji pojavili bi se čak i da integracija u EU nije bila prioritetni cilj.
Proces pripreme za priključenje zemalja srednje i istočne Europe Europskoj uniji ušao je u kvalitativno novu fazu. Politička, gospodarska i društvena transformacija dosegla je kritičnu točku kad se promijene trebaju provesti u do tada netaknutim i politički osjetljivim sferama te stvoriti uvjeti za održivi razvoj. Kako pregovori napreduju i ulaze u sve više tehničkih detalja, tako sve vidljivijima postaju razlike u mogućnostima pojedinih kandidata da se prilagode zahtjevima EU.
Nedavni razvoj u zemljama skupine SE5 pokazao je da su brzina i doseg procesa transformacije usko povezani s uspješnom pripremom za priključenje. U onim zemljama ili dijelovima zemalja koje su napredne u transformaciji već se mogu identificirati pobjednici i gubitnici. Pobjednici liberalizirane trgovine nakon Sporazuma o pridruživanju vjerojatno će ostati pobjednicima u procesu priključenja. Postoji, međutim, mogućnost sukobljavanja procesa transformacije i procesa priprema za članstvo. Prebrzo prihvaćanje acquisa, prije svega u području zaštite okoliša i socijalnoj politici, moglo bi se, primjerice, kositi s potrebom zemalja SE5 da povećaju konkurentnost i konsolidiraju proces transformacije. Isto vrijedi i za napore u prilagodbi kriterijima iz Maastrichta ili Zajedničkoj poljoprivrednoj politici. Ove asimetrije mogu se riješiti pregovorima o privremenim odgodama (temporary derogations).
Zemlje SE5 međusobno se znatno razlikuju kad je riječ o promjenama koje će uslijediti tijekom priprema za članstvo u EU. No isto tako postoje i neki novi i zajednički izazovi koji dijelom proizlaze iz preostalih dijelova Sporazuma o pridruživanju. Zbog toga bi se odnos pobjednika i gubitnika još mogao promijeniti u narednim godinama. Učinci transformacije, s jedne strane, i pripreme za integraciju, s druge, nameću različite uvjete za identifikaciju pobjednika i gubitnika.
Ovakvo stanje ima sljedeće implikacije za naredno razdoblje: (1) Postoji mogućnost da se poprave negativni učinci transformacije. (2) S obzirom da su se u uvjetima rastuće konkurencije već jasno profilirali određeni pobjednici i gubitnici, moguće je identificirati potencijalne "dvostruke pobjednike" i "dvostruke gubitnike". (3) Budući da su neki gubitnici tijekom transformacije nestali ili počeli s novim aktivnostima - u kojima su možda postali pobjednici - troškovi uzrokovani nastankom gubitnika možda će biti manji.
POLITIČKA SITUACIJA
Sve zemlje SE5 imat će koristi od priključenja EU kad je riječ o vanjskoj sigurnosti te o stabilizaciji demokracije i demokratskih institucija. Sve te zemlje bile su gubitnici tijekom transformacije kad je riječ o unutarnjoj sigurnosti: nagla liberalizacija praćena sporim procesom stvaranja novog pravnog i institucionalnog sustava te socijalna i gospodarska polarizacija doveli su do smanjenja standarda unutarnje sigurnosti.
Tijekom procesa pristupanja Europskoj uniji zemlje SE5 morat će se odreći dijela svog suvereniteta i prihvatiti supranacionalnu nadležnost Bruxellesa. Na prvi pogled to se čini velikim gubitkom za zemlje koje su ponovno dobile svoju nezavisnosti ili su počele graditi novu nacionalnu državu. Ovaj gubitak dijela nacionalnog suvereniteta, međutim, nadoknađuje se koristima koje donosi članstvo u EU.
Moguće je da će se u narednim godinama, kako se proces priključivanja bude ubrzavao i produbljivao a delikatne teme izbijale na površinu, javno mnijenje o integracijama mijenjati i polarizirati. Mogući gubitnici u procesu priključivanja možda će postati pristaše nezavisnosti i nacionalnih interesa. Svako čekanje s proširenjem gotovo će sigurno povećati utjecaj ovih skupina.
Dok će sve zemlje SE5 imati koristi u političkom kontekstu, neke od njih osjetit će negativne posljedice nakon prihvaćanja Schengenskog ugovora.
TRGOVINA, USLUGE, KAPITAL I RADNA SNAGA
Liberalizacija trgovine kao rezultat provedbe Sporazuma o pridruživanju stvorila je kratkoročne i dugoročne pobjednike u integracijskom procesu. Ona poduzeća koja se nisu mogla brzo restrukturirati nestala su, dok su ona koja su se uspjela modernizirati i privatizirati danas dugoročni pobjednici. Pored njih pobjednici su i podružnice poduzeća uspostavljenih izravnim stranim ulaganjima, što je također posljedica liberalizacije trgovine. S druge strane, gubitnici nisu pripisivali svoj neuspjeh EU: smatrali su se žrtvama tržišnog kolapsa ili transformacijskog procesa.
USLUGE
Sporazum o pridruživanju nije imao utjecaja na veći dio uslužnog sektora i on je do sada ostao u sjeni integracija. Ovaj sektor bio je očigledan pobjednik tijekom transformacije gotovo u svim zemljama. Tijekom narednih godina, kad zemlje SE5 liberaliziraju tržište usluga, moći će se identificirati pobjednici i gubitnici u ovom sektoru. Najvažniji pobjednici bit će korisnici usluga jer će one biti jeftinije, kvalitetnije i raznovrsnije. Pobjednici su i poduzeća koja su već privatizirana ili oni dijelovi uslužnog sektora kojima dominiraju strana poduzeća. Među pobjednike spada i građevinski sektor, zatim specijalizirane usluge poput restauracije spomenika, dok će turizam, prodaja na malo i popravci ostati pobjednici ako budu konkurentni. Zbog liberalizacije sektora usluga najveći će gubitnici biti državni monopoli.
KAPITAL
Uvjet je za ulazak na jedinstveno tržište zajamčeno slobodno kretanje kapitala. U ovoj sferi zemlje kandidati nisu spremne u jednakoj mjeri, a najnaprednija među njima je Mađarska. Zajednički je problem zemalja SE5 prodaja obradivih površina strancima, za koju zemlje SE5 traže dugi prijelazni rok. Veliki pobjednici bit će konkurentna poljoprivredna i prehrambena industrija, pa stoga i gospodarstvo u cjelini. Regionalni razvoj i investicije u ruralna područja mogli bi pomoći ublažiti posljedice eventualnih gubitnika.
RADNICI
Najdramatičnije promjene na tržištu rada u zemljama SE5 već su se dogodile. U svakoj od tih pet zemalja u jednom trenutku tranzicije nezaposlenost je dosegla dvoznamenkasti broj da bi se potom pomalo stabilizirala ili smanjivala nakon početka gospodarskog oporavka. Dok u narednim godinama ukupna nezaposlenost vjerojatno neće rasti, moglo bi doći do znatne redistribucije stvaranja i zatvaranja radnih mjesta.
Slobodna trgovina s EU imala je dvostruki učinak na tržište rada: omogućila je otvaranje novih radnih mjesta u konkurentnim djelatnostima te dovela do ukidanja radnih mjesta u nekonkurentnim djelatnostima.
PROIZVODNJA I ULOGA IZRAVNIH STRANIH ULAGANJA
U početnim godinama transformacije industrija je bila gubitnik. Sada, nakon desetljeća restrukturiranja i slobodnog pristupa tržištu EU, vidljivi su i pobjednici i gubitnici. Općenito govoreći, pobjednici su industrije s proizvodnjom za izvoz, bilo da je riječ o inozemnim poduzećima ili velikim domaćim restrukturiranim poduzećima. Među poduzećima koja su okrenuta domaćem tržištu pobjednici su samo oni koji su uspjeli obogatiti proizvodnju (ponudu) ili se usko specijalizirati. Veliki gubitnici su tradicionalne industrije koje se nisu restrukturirale (rudarstvo, brodogradnja, kemijska industrija itd.) te velika poduzeća koja nisu povezana u međunarodne mreže.
POLJOPRIVREDA
Poljoprivreda je još jedan gubitnik transformacije. Ona danas ostaje zaštićenim sektorom u odnosu na druge djelatnosti. Prilagodba Europskoj uniji podrazumijeva liberalizaciju trgovine, pa će proizvođači konkurentnih proizvoda za izvoz biti pobjednici, a isto vrijedi i za uvoznike hrane. Oni koji rade po načelima tržišnog gospodarstva bit će pobjednici, dok će izgubiti oni poljoprivrednici koji rade na malim, nekonkurentnim površinama. Poljoprivreda je vjerojatno jedini sektor gdje će, barem srednjoročno, proizvođači biti pobjednici, a potrošači gubitnici (zbog podizanja cijena na razinu cijena u EU).
REGIONALNA POLITIKA
S makroekonomskog gledišta, sve zemlje SE5 bit će dobitnici pomoći EU nakon priključenja. S izuzetkom nekoliko regija u zemljama SE5, sve ostale kvalificiraju se za strukturalne fondove. Evolucija pobjednika ovisi o nekoliko čimbenika. Raniji ulazak u EU znači i raniju mogućnost korištenja fondova i stvaranja pobjednika. Fondovi se trebaju investirati u one zone koje imaju najveći potencijal, a one su najčešće razvijenije, ali ne nužno i najrazvijenije zone. Ovakav pristup može kod stanovnika manje razvijenih područja dovesti do osjećaja da su relativni gubitnici, iako će, naravno, i oni imati koristi od fondova.
UTJECAJ NA PREKOGRANIČNI RAZVOJ
Prekogranične regije općenito su bile pobjednici tijekom 10 godina transformacije, a pobjednici su se, kao rezultat povećanja prekograničnih aktivnosti, pojavili s obje stane granica, bilo da se radi o granici između članice EU i zemlje kandidata, granici između dviju zemalja kandidata ili granici između zemlje kandidata i potencijalnog kandidata. U narednim godinama najveći pobjednici bit će iz prve skupine.
EU bi mogla učiniti mnogo da se pojača prekogranična aktivnost putem prekograničnih programa te jačanjem infrastrukture, što bi moglo dovesti do "spill-over" efekta u zemljama koje još nisu kandidati.
Pripreme za ulazak u EU mogle bi dovesti i do drugačijeg stanja zbog uvođenja schengenskih granica na rubovima nove, proširene Europe, gdje bi se, kao rezultat tog sporazuma, prekogranična trgovina, investicije kao i ilegalno kretanje radne snage mogli naglo smanjiti.
DRŽAVNA UPRAVA
U svim zemljama SE5 državna uprava je prevelika. Bez obzira na proširenje, ove zemlje trebaju znatno smanjiti broj zaposlenih u državnoj upravi. Otpušteni bi lako mogli postati protivnici proširenja. Pobjednici će, dakako, biti sve one institucije i zaposleni u državnoj upravi koji su povezani s EU (pregovarači, stručnjaci, kao i svi oni koji upravljaju, alociraju i nadziru korištenje sredstava EU), oni dijelovi državne uprave koji će biti korisnici pomoći EU, decentralizirane jedinice na regionalnoj razini, lokalna samouprava, pa čak i vlada (koja će uz pomoć EU smanjiti utjecaj protivnika ulaska u EU). Svi akteri u gospodarstvu bit će pobjednici jer će prilagodba acquisu dovesti do transparentnijih struktura.
PRORAČUN I FISKALNA POLITIKA
Proces priključenja EU donosi tri značajne promjene u ovom području: (1) svi sektori koji su neto korisnici sredstava EU bit će pobjednici (npr. infrastruktura, okoliš i sl.); (2) sektori koji će doprinositi proračunu EU imat će sve manje utjecaja u oblikovanju i raspodjeli nacionalnih izvora dostupnih proračunu (carinske pristojbe i dio PDV-a); (3) sufinanciranje će utjecati na promjenu raspodjele proračunskih sredstava po sektorima, pa će dominirati sektori koji imaju pravo na sredstva EU.
Ulazak u EU promijenit će fiskalnu politiku jer će se raspodjela poreza promijeniti te će dio poreza koji je još uvijek pod kompetencijom nacionalnih tijela biti prebačen u Bruxelles (carinske pristojbe, dio PDV-a).
MOGUĆI UTJECAJ NA CEFTA-u
CEFTA u regionalnoj suradnji ima korisnu ulogu, komplementarnu onoj Europske unije. Po nekim procjenama članstvo će dovesti do povećanja trgovine među članicama CEFTA-e od 8% ukupne razmjene na 11-12%. U narednim bi desetljećima zemlje članice CEFTA-e koje sada pregovaraju o priključenju mogle postati dio Europe s najbržim razvojem.
SOCIOLOŠKE ODLIKE POBJEDNIKA I GUBITNIKA
Desetljeće transformacija dovelo je do promjena u sociološkoj strukturi u zemljama kandidatima. Rastuće razlike u dohotku i izgledima za uspjeh bile su neizbježne nakon desetljeća “umjetne ravnopravnosti”. U ovom trenutku mogu se identificirati pobjednici i gubitnici ovog procesa čiji se učinci ne mogu odvojiti od učinaka povećane globalizacije i međunarodne konkurencije. Općenito govoreći, pobjednici su: mlađe generacije koje će uživati koristi integracije a snositi samo dio troškova, dinamični, fleksibilni ljudi poduzetničkog duha, visoko obrazovani u područjima vezanima za ulazak u EU, poznavatelji stranih jezika, dio državne uprave koji se bavi EU, urbana populacija, svi potrošači, građani malih zemalja s jezicima koji nisu rasprostranjeni.
Gubitnici se teže mogu identificirati jer će oni, u slučaju brze i uspješne integracije, biti relativni a ne apsolutni gubitnici. Apsolutni će gubitnici biti: nevješta, nemobilna, nefleksibilna populacija koja ne govori strane jezike, poljoprivrednici koji odustaju od posjeda ili svog posla u sektoru bez kompenzacije te etničke manjine koje se ne mogu nositi s procesom integracije, globalizacije i transformacije.
INSTRUMENTI KOJIMA SE MOŽE UTJECATI NA ODNOS POBJEDNIK – GUBITNIK
Uspjeh integracije može se izmjeriti kvantitativnom i kvalitativnom distribucijom pobjednika i gubitnika. Nije samo tržište i jednostrano prilagođavanje EU ono što stvara pobjednike i gubitnike, nego i različite mjere koje provode zemlje kandidati u različitim sferama.
Sve mjere koje se provode trebale bi imati za svrhu povećavanje konkurentnosti u razdoblju prije priključenja kako bi konkurentnost postojala u trenutku ulaska u EU. Neke od mjera koje se mogu poduzeti su daljnja liberalizacija, olakšavanje procesa privatizacije, suradnja u području izravnih stranih ulaganja itd.
S derogacijama tj. odgodama potreban je oprez, jer one imaju velik utjecaj na bilancu pobjednik-gubitnik. Velik broj derogacija na strani kandidata može rezultirati većim brojem derogacija na strani EU, čime se usporavaju pregovori i ulazak u EU. Osim toga, brojne derogacije dovode do takozvanog mentaliteta subvencioniranja, tj. pasivnog ponašanja. Derogacije mogu biti kontraproduktivne ako se ne prihvate tijekom pregovora jer u tom slučaju sektorima o kojima je riječ ne ostaje dovoljno vremena za prilagodbu. Koristi se mogu potencirati a troškovi smanjiti ako se institucije osposobe za apsorpciju i učinkovitu alokaciju budućih sredstava EU.
Distribucija koristi i gubitaka ovisi o stupnju uključenost svih aktera – političkih, društvenih i gospodarskih – u integracijski proces. Stoga su potrebne stalne konzultacije i koordinacija između vlade, poduzeća i sindikata kako bi se provele uspješne pripreme za integraciju. Time se ujedno postiže i održava potpora javnog mnijenja integracijama. U ovom trenutku, mediji i ostali čimbenici koji mogu obrazovati javnost te oblikovati i orijentirati javno mnijenje imaju vrlo važnu ulogu u smanjivanju jaza između očekivanja i stvarnih koristi integracija.
I vrijeme utječe na odnos gubitnik-pobjednik. Kašnjenje može dovesti do gubitaka kad je riječ o razvoju, investicijama, strukturalnim promjenama, a može rezultirati i nezadovoljstvom u financijskim krugovima i širem društvu, što dovodi do političkih i ekonomskih problema. Kašnjenje također može dovesti do povećanja migracijskog potencijala, koji je, osim u Poljskoj, ograničen. U ovakvom scenariju gdje se kasni s priključivanjem, velik dio potencijalnih pobjednika postaju gubitnici zbog manjeg razvojnog potencijala i nedostatka vanjskih resursa.
Pobjednici i gubitnici EU integracija ~ Sažetak knjige Svjetske banke ~ 1. dio
U posljednjih 10 godina, od početka tranzicije, zemlje srednje i istočne Europe prošle su kroz dramatične promjene u političkoj i gospodarskoj sferi, prekinuvši s desetljećima komunističke vlasti i centralizirane uprave. Deset zemalja srednje i istočne Europe, zbog značajnog napretka u demokratizaciji i razvoju tržišnog gospodarstva, pozvano je da počne pregovore za priključenje Europskoj uniji. Autori knjige slažu se u tome da će koristi od priključivanja Europskoj uniji biti veće od mogućih troškova. U knjizi se razmatraju posljedice koje će integracije u Europsku uniju (u nastavku procesa) imati za određene društvene, gospodarske i političke skupine, identificiraju se skupine koje će imati koristi, kao i skupine koje se smatraju "rizičnima". Autori također razmatraju probleme s kojima će se u procesu primanja sadašnjih kandidata u članstvo suočavati EU.
Najvažnija poruka za zemlje kandidate, prema mišljenju autora, jest važnost komunikacijske strategije u vezi s pozitivnim i negativnim učincima integracije. U ovom je trenutku takva strategija tim važnija što u većini zemalja srednje i istočne Europe opada podrška integracijama, a što u mnogim slučajevima odražava realističniju procjenu i stav javnosti o tome što donose integracije.
° Napomena: Ovaj sažetak je stavljen s namjerom da čitateljima pružim potpun uvid u tematiku Europske unije, ali gledano s financijske strane. Namjera nije da sam izvlačim ikakve zaključke, to ostavljam na dušu čitateljima, ali ako iko želi više informacija, slobodno neka mi se obrati. Sažetak knjige je preuzet s stranica Ministarstva za europske integracije. Slika je direktan link na stranice Ministarstva.
1.GOSPODARSKA DIMENZIJA
Djelotvorno tržišno gospodarstvo uvjet je ulaska u EU, ali istovremeno i cilj tranzicije iz sustava centraliziranog upravljanja. Stoga se u slučaju većine zemalja srednje i istočne Europe proces integriranja preklapa s tranzicijom ili predstavlja njezin nastavak. U slučaju zemalja koje zaostaju u tranziciji, poput Rumunjske i Bugarske, integracija u EU ima dodatnu vrijednost jer potiče političku i javnu podršku gospodarskim reformama.
Povećana konkurentnost sa zemljama EU usko je povezana s gospodarskom globalizacijom koja se odražava i na zemlje srednje i istočne Europe, pa stoga nije uvijek moguće razdvojiti posljedice tranzicije od učinaka pristupanja Europskoj uniji i globalizacije.
Zemljama srednje i istočne Europe pristupanje Europskoj uniji donosi gospodarsku korist ali i troškove. Najznačajnije koristi su: povećana liberalizacija tržišta, povećana izravna strana ulaganja i pristup fondovima EU te stroži standardi za zaštitu okoliša. Troškovi će uglavnom biti povezani s dislociranjem radnika iz onih industrijskih grana koje su nekonkurentne na jedinstvenom tržištu te s uvođenjem regulative o zaštiti okoliša i slično.
Općenito govoreći, potrošači će biti pobjednici jer će dobiti bolju i jeftiniju robu i usluge te čišći okoliš. Pobjednici će biti i konkurentni proizvođači, dok će ostali biti gubitnici, a to, između ostaloga, znači proširenje privatnog sektora nauštrb javnog.
SLOBODNO KRETANJE ROBA
Pobjednici i gubitnici u procesu otvaranja granica trgovini robom i uslugama, slijedom Europskih sporazuma, već su poznati u većini zemalja srednje i istočne Europe. Smanjenje trgovinskih barijera s EU koristilo je izvoznim poduzećima i domaćim potrošačima, a bilo je na štetu onih domaćih proizvođača koji se nisu mogli nositi s konkurencijom.
Ona poduzeća koja su dobro podnijela tranziciju vjerojatno će imati koristi i od pristupanja EU kad se ukinu mjere protiv dampinga i drugi zaštitni instrumenti koje EU može koristiti. Neki autori ove tvrtke zovu "dvostrukim pobjednicima". Ovakvih će biti mnogo u baltičkim zemljama, kao i u tzv. zemljama SE5 (5 zemalja srednje i istočne Europe: Češka, Mađarska, Poljska, Slovačka i Slovenija), gdje, smatra se, neće biti potrebne dodatne prilagodbe nakon ulaska u EU. Stanje će biti teže u Bugarskoj i Rumunjskoj koje, u usporedbi s drugim zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, zaostaju u industrijskim prilagodbama. Sporija tranzicija mogla bi značiti veće troškove integracije u EU jer će se ove industrije suočiti s konkurentima iz EU za koje nisu spremni.
SLOBODNO KRETANJE USLUGA
U ovoj sferi pobjednici će biti potrošači jer će konkurencija povećati kvalitetu i smanjiti cijenu usluga. Usluge koje su već visokog standarda, uključujući one koje su već privatizirane ili one kod kojih dominiraju strana poduzeća, bit će pobjednici. Monopoli u državnom vlasništvu će gubiti.
SLOBODNO KRETANJE KAPITALA
Izravna strana ulaganja (FDI) odigrala su važnu ulogu u stvaranju pobjednika tijekom tranzicije. Tako neki povećanje međunarodne konkurentnosti Mađarske pripisuju izravnim stranim ulaganjima, a smatraju i da su ona odigrala važnu ulogu u industrijskom restrukturiranju u Sloveniji. Tamo gdje su domaće gospodarske reforme bile spore nedostajala su i izravna strana ulaganja, a takvo je stanje, primjerice, doprinijelo sporom razvoju Bugarske i Rumunjske. Ulazak u EU povećat će privlačnost novih članica za izravna strana ulaganja pa će strani ulagači, kao i sektori koji primaju ulaganja, biti pobjednici.
SLOBODNO KRETANJE RADNIKA
Ovo je osjetljiva tema u pregovorima zbog straha od posljedica imigracije u EU iz siromašnijih zemalja srednje i istočne Europe. Ovakva bojazan unutar EU vjerojatno nije opravdana jer demografski trendovi navode na zaključak kako zbog jezičnih i kulturoloških razlika neće biti velike transnacionalne mobilnosti.
POLJOPRIVREDA
Poljoprivreda je veliki gubitnik tranzicije. Hoće li nastaviti gubiti ovisi o nacionalnim strategijama za restrukturiranje poljoprivrede, kao i o količini pomoći od strane EU te o njezinoj poljoprivrednoj politici.
FINANCIJSKA POMOĆ EUROPSKE UNIJE
Sve zemlje kandidati trenutno su korisnici pomoći EU iz predpristupnih fondova, a po ulasku u EU bit će korisnici strukturalnih fondova. Uz uvjet da se njima primjereno upravlja, pomoć iz tih fondova može znatno doprinijeti regionalnom razvoju, kao i gospodarskom razvoju uopće.
EKONOMSKA I MONETARNA UNIJA (EMU)
Ulazak u EU podrazumijeva pravovremeni ulazak u ekonomsku i monetarnu uniju, za što je uvjet ispunjavanje kriterija iz Ugovora iz Maastrichta. Nakon ulaska u EMU, promjena vrijednosti nacionalne valute više se neće moći koristiti kao instrument prilagodbe, što znači i veću fleksibilnost tržišta rada.
2. DRUŠTVENA DIMENZIJA
Integracija u EU različito se odražava na različite društvene skupine. Ukoliko se ne poduzmu korektivne mjere, skupine koje nisu uživale koristi tranzicije i globalizacije vjerojatno neće biti među onima koji će uživati koristi integracije.
Osjetljive skupine: Manjine, primjerice Rusi u Latviji ili Romi u Poljskoj, Češkoj, Mađarskoj i drugim zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, obično su društveno isključene skupine. Sporiji gospodarski razvoj pogoršao je njihov položaj i može se očekivati da će te osjetljive skupine i u procesu integracija dalje gubiti, ukoliko se ne poduzmu korektivne mjere. S druge strane, pristupanje Europskoj uniji trebalo bi ojačati socijalnu sigurnost te osigurati pravnu zaštitu osjetljivim skupinama.
~ Dob: Starije osobe (umirovljenici) bez tekućih i konvertibilnih sredstava vjerojatno će biti gubitnici, dok za pobjednike stanje nije tako jasno i razlikuje se od zemlje do zemlje.
~ Obrazovanje: Najveće koristi od integracije imat će fakultetski obrazovani ljudi te ljudi sa znanjem stranih jezika.
~ Siromaštvo i nejednakost: Tranzicija je donijela rastuće nejednakosti i siromaštvo unutar pojedinih zemalja. Dugotrajna nezaposlenost i život ispod granice siromaštva doveli su do gubitka znanja i vještina te do osjećaja poniženja i gubitka dostojanstva. Skupina onih koji su duže vrijeme nezaposleni teško će se pretvoriti u pobjednike, pa je veoma važno pristupiti rješavanju problema siromaštva i nejednakosti.
~ Državna uprava: Zaposleni u onim dijelovima uprave koja je povezana s integracijama vjerojatno će biti pobjednici jer će steći posebna znanja i mogućnost stručnog usavršavanja. Pobjednici će biti i dijelovi uprave kojima će biti namijenjena pomoć EU, te regionalna i lokalna samouprava. Broj zaposlenih u ostalim tijelima državne uprave morat će se smanjiti, stoga su oni potencijalni izvor snažne opozicije integracijama.
3. POLITIČKA DIMENZIJA
Pristupanje EU donosi stabilizaciju vladavine prava, demokracije i demokratskih institucija, kao i zaštitu ljudskih prava, te povećanje vanjske i unutarnje sigurnosti.
Obrazovanje i uključenost javnosti:
Široko sudjelovanje javnosti važno je u procesu formuliranja politike integracije. Takvo sudjelovanje može pomoći ograničavanju gubitaka te što široj raspodjeli koristi integracijskih procesa. Predlaže se uvođenje mehanizama stalne komunikacije između vlade i raznih društvenih i gospodarskih skupina, kako bi javnost bila što bolje obaviještena o troškovima i koristima integracija.
BRUSSELS EUROPEAN COUNCIL
17 AND 18 JUNE 2004
PRESIDENCY CONCLUSIONS
Croatia
The European Council welcomes the Commission Opinion on Croatia's application for EU membership and the recommendation that accession negotiations should be opened. The European Council considered the application on the basis of the Opinion and noted that Croatia meets the political criteria set by the Copenhagen European Council in 1993 and the Stabilisation and Association Process conditionalities established by the Council in 1997. It decided that Croatia is a candidate country for membership and that the accession process should be launched.
The European Council decided to convene a bilateral intergovernmental conference with Croatia early in 2005 in order to begin negotiations. In advance of the negotiations, the Council will agree a general negotiating framework, taking full account of the experience of the fifth enlargement process. The European Council requests the Commission to present an evaluation in this regard, before the end of its mandate. It confirms that the negotiations will be based on Croatia's own merits and that the pace will depend solely on Croatia's progress in meeting the requirements for membership.
The European Council emphasises that Croatia needs to maintain full cooperation with ICTY and take all necessary steps to ensure that the remaining indictee is located and transferred to The Hague. Croatia also needs to make additional efforts on minority rights, refugee returns, reform of the judiciary, regional cooperation and the fight against corruption.
In order to prepare for negotiations, work should begin on an examination of the acquis, which might best be undertaken in the framework of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Croatia.
The European Council requests the Commission to prepare a pre-accession strategy for Croatia, including the necessary financial instrument.
The European Council notes the Croatian decision not to apply to EU Member States any aspect of the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone. In this context, it welcomes the agreement reached by Italy, Slovenia and Croatia at the Trilateral meeting in Brussels on 4 June 2004.
Implications of Croatia's status for other countries of the Western Balkans
The European Council emphasises that the achievement of candidate status by Croatia should be an encouragement to the other countries of the Western Balkans to pursue their reforms. It reaffirms its commitment to the full implementation of the Thessaloniki agenda, which makes clear that the future of the Western Balkans rests within the European Union. The advance of the individual countries of the region towards European integration will proceed in parallel with the regional approach, which remains an essential element of EU policy. The European Council urges Croatia to continue to make a strong contribution to the development of closer regional cooperation.
Blog Europske unije u Hrvatskoj
European Union Blog in Croatia
Le Union Europeene Blog dans le Croatie
Das Europaische Blog in Kroatien ___________________
The EU is a family of democratic European countries, committed to work together for peace and prosperity. It is not a State intended to replace egzisting states, but is more than any other international organisation. The EU is unique.
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Pravni poredak koji je stvorila Europska zajednica postao je trajnom značajkom političke stvarnosti u 25 država članica Europske unije. Na temelju europskih osnivačkih Ugovora, svake godine donose se tisuće odluka, koje imaju značajan učinak na upravljanje državama članicama i na živote europskih građana. Pojedinac je već odavno prestao biti pojedinac ili građanin nekog drugog grada, mjesta ili države. On je danas postao i građaninom Zajednice.
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The European Union is not just about free trade, open borders and common currency. It also gives every EU citizen a right, regardless of age, to travel, live, work, study and retire in any EU country he, she or them choose. And there are plenty of opportunities...
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Die Europäische Union ist ein Zusammenschluss demokratischer europäischer Länder, die sich der Wahrung des Friedens und dem Streben nach Wohlstand verschrieben haben. Sie versteht sich nicht als ein neuer Staat, der an die Stelle bestehender Staaten tritt. Allerdings ist die Europäische Union auch mehr als alle sonstigen internationalen Organisationen. Die EU ist im Wortsinne einzigartig. Die Mitgliedstaaten der EU haben gemeinsame Organe eingerichtet. Teile ihrer einzelstaatlichen Souveränität haben sie diesen Organen übertragen, damit in bestimmten Angelegenheiten von gemeinsamem Interesse auf europäischer Ebene demokratische Entscheidungen getroffen werden können. Diese Zusammenführung der Souveränität wird auch als "Europäische Integration" bezeichnet.Europa ist ein Kontinent mit vielen unterschiedlichen Traditionen und Sprachen, aber auch mit gemeinsamen Werten. Die EU verteidigt diese Werte. Sie fördert die Zusammenarbeit der Völker Europas, indem sie die Einheit unter Wahrung der Vielfalt stärkt und sicherstellt, dass Entscheidungen möglichst bürgernah getroffen werden.
Proces ujedinjenja europskih država započeo je udruživanjem država Belgije, Francuske, Njemačke, Italije, Luxembourga i Nizozemske koje su osnovale Europsku ekonomsku zajednicu. U samom početu Zajednica je bila ograničena na stvaranje zajedničkog tržišta za ugljen i čelik za šest država osnivača. U poslijeratnom razdoblju, svrha zajednice bila je očuvanje mira u doba hladnog rata. Odluka o osnivanju ekonomske zajednice koja će počivati na slobodnoj razmjeni roba i usluga, te slobodnom kretanju ljudi donešena je 1957. godine, iako je tri godine prije francuski nacionalni parlament odbacio prijedlog o osnivanju Europske obrambene zajednice. Carine na međusobnu trgovinu ukinute su 1. srpnja 1968. godine, a ostvaruju se i odrednice zajedničke politike u poljoprivredi i trgovini.
Uskoro i Danska, Irska i Velika Britanija da podnese molbe za pristup Zajednici, ali prvo proširenje Zajednice ostvareno je tek 1972. godine, nakon pregovora i odbijanja Francuske koja je za vrijeme vladavine generala de Gaulla koristila svoje pravo veta da spriječi priključenje Velike Britanije Zajednici. Ovim proširenjem Zajednice od 6 na 9 članova, proširuje se i njezino djelovanje na područja socijalne i regionalne politike i na zaštitu okoliša. Zajednici se priključuje Grčka 1981. godine, a 1986. Španjolska i Portugal. Ovo je proširenje nametalo neodložnu provedbu strukturnih programa s ciljem smanjenja razvojnih razlika unutar Zajednice. Tijekom ovog razdoblja Zajednica je počela igrati važniju ulogu na međunarodnom planu i potpisala nove sporazume sa zemljama južnog Mediterana i Afrike, Karipskog prostora i Pacifika koje su uz Zajednicu bile vezane temeljem 4 sukcesivne Konvencije iz Lomea.
Pravna podloga zajedničkih postignuća Europske unije uvjetuje svakoj novoj državi koja želi postati članicom Unije da prihvati postojeće pravne propise Unije te da, po isteku ugovorenog prijelaznog razdoblja, sudjeluje u zajedničkim politikama Unije. Ambiciozna perspektiva stvaranja ekonomske i monetarne Unije najkasnije do 1999. godine, koja je zacrtana ugovorom iz Maastrichta, kao i stvaranje političke unije sa zajedničkom vanjskom i sigurnosnom politikom, jesu dostignuća koja moraju prihvatiti i buduće nove članice Unije. Unija će i dalje nastaviti crpiti svoju snagu poštivanjem zajedničkih pravila i načina ponašanja što je od samih početaka razlikuje od drugih tradicionalnih međunarodnih organizacija. Karakteristika Europske unije je i u tome što se njezina organizacija zasniva između suradnje vlada i modela federacije, a na načelima supsidijarnosti. Unija ima zadatak dugoročno obuhvatiti sve demokratske države kontinenta, ali taj proces se mora odvijati postupno jer postoje različite razine političkog i gospodarskog razvoja svake pojedine zemlje.
U cilju usklađivanja hrvatskog pravnog i gospodarskog sustava s europskim, te u cilju što uspješnijeg integriranja Republike Hrvatske u Europsku uniju, osnovano je i Ministarstvo europskih integracija. Pored toga, Ministarstvo je zaduženo i za koordinaciju programa tehničke pomoći Europske unije, informiranje javnosti o procesu približavanja EU, obrazovanje i usavršavanje državnih službenika u području europskih integracija i za prevođenje pravnih dokumenata EU potrebnih za usklađivanje pravnog sustava. Svaka zemlja koja želi postati članicom Europske unije mora ispuniti određene uvjete kako bi po svom priključivanju Uniji mogla funkcionirati u sklopu njezinih sustava i već utvrđenih pravila. U Republici Hrvatskoj proces je usklađivanja zakonodavstva započeo dobrovoljnom ocjenom stupnja usklađenosti propisa RH s propisima EU u sklopu Plana integracijskih aktivnosti RH, iz 1999. godine. Tada je po prvi puta utvrđeno stanje usklađenosti hrvatskih propisa s europskim.
Značajan dokument je i od strane Vlade Republike Hrvatske, na temelju članka 30. stavka 3. Zakona o Vladi Republike Hrvatske ("Narodne novine", br. 101/98, 15/2000 i 117/2001), na sjednici Vlade održanoj 23. siječnja 2003. godine, donošenje Nacionalnog programa Republike Hrvatske za pridruživanje Europskoj uniji – 2003. godine, te kasnije Nacionalnog programa Republike Hrvatske za pridruživanje Europskoj uniji – 2004. godine.
The latest survey from the EU's statistics office may confirm some stereotypical views of how Europeans spend their time. 
Finland to announce referendum 'in the coming weeks'
Outgoing European Commission President Romano Prodi has called for primary elections in Italy, in the US style, to choose the person who will head Italy’s centre-left Ulivo coalition ahead of the next elections.
The European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Addiction report also highlights concern about drinking and drug use by young people.
Valéry Giscard d’Estaing has never been one to pass up the main chance: after all, he’s been a minister, French president, leader of a political group in European Parliament and, latterly the chairman of the Convention and thus ‘father of the EU constitution’. 
The European Commission on Tuesday (20 July) released an assessment of the first five years of the euro, praising the currency as a success but identifying several challenges ahead. 
Spaniard Josep Borrell Fontelles has been elected as President of the European parliament after gaining the majority backing of MEPs at the first time of asking.
The large groups in the European parliament are set to head the most important committees in the House, following an agreement between the political groups.
The newly enlarged European Parliament will begin its new five-year term today with a plenary session in Strasbourg.
Manuel Durăo Barroso's performance lobbying for the job of Commission President has left several in the European Parliament unimpressed.
European Commission has proposed increasing its budget for education, media, culture and youth programmes by 186%.
A constitution for the European Union was agreed in Brussels on 18 June, 2004.
The European Commission has scored a major victory over EU member states as the European Court of Justice annulled the decision of the Council to suspend a disciplinary procedure against France and Germany for repeatedly breaking the euro rules. 
EU foreign ministers meeting in Brussels on Monday are set to agree that the Constitution be signed in Rome at the end of October.
How does the EU budget work?
I. ČLANSTVO U EUROPSKOJ UNIJI
The Young European Federalists is a supranational, political movement active in most European countries. It is an autonomous youth organisation which has no party political affiliations or commitments. It participates in the exchange of opinions and experiences with other political movements, but will not identify with any of them. JEF's interlocutors are political parties, European, national and local institutions and associations, as well as the general public. In this sense JEF is a political movement, but not a party.
IZAZOVI ZA EU
U posljednjih 10 godina, od početka tranzicije, zemlje srednje i istočne Europe prošle su kroz dramatične promjene u političkoj i gospodarskoj sferi, prekinuvši s desetljećima komunističke vlasti i centralizirane uprave. Deset zemalja srednje i istočne Europe, zbog značajnog napretka u demokratizaciji i razvoju tržišnog gospodarstva, pozvano je da počne pregovore za priključenje Europskoj uniji. Autori knjige slažu se u tome da će koristi od priključivanja Europskoj uniji biti veće od mogućih troškova. U knjizi se razmatraju posljedice koje će integracije u Europsku uniju (u nastavku procesa) imati za određene društvene, gospodarske i političke skupine, identificiraju se skupine koje će imati koristi, kao i skupine koje se smatraju "rizičnima". Autori također razmatraju probleme s kojima će se u procesu primanja sadašnjih kandidata u članstvo suočavati EU. 
BRUSSELS EUROPEAN COUNCIL 
